‘Revolt on the
Right’: UKIP and the Fabian Socialist smoke-and-mirrors campaign
20 April 2014
There is a massive media
campaign on to suppress public opposition to the establishment and bring Labour back. Its main instigators are the Fabian Society
and left-wing financial interests. In addition to dozens of newspaper
articles, the campaign has produced propaganda publications like Revolt on the Right, branding UK
Independence Party voters “radical” and “far-right”
– as well as “poorly educated”, “financially
insecure” and “old” – in order to mobilise all Fabian Socialist, Labourite,
Stalinist and Communist activists and agitators in the country against what
is perceived as a “revolt on the right”.
What is striking about Robert
Ford and Matthew Goodwin’s Revolt
on the Right is that instead of proving their central thesis suggested
in the title, the authors in fact systematically demolish it by showing
that the electoral system is “heavily stacked against insurgent
parties,” that UKIP have failed to take their revolt to Westminster
and that the concerns represented by the party have “no voice in the
halls of power.” The same, incidentally, holds true for the European
Union where, as the authors concede, the “revolt” has little
prospect of making a difference any time soon. So not much of a revolt,
The fact is that the Left has
been telling us that the Right is “on the rise” since the days
of Oswald Moseley. Just as we are expected to believe now, the country at
the time (late 1930s and early 1940s) was allegedly on the verge of a
cunning takeover by “Fascists” and “Nazi sympathisers”. What actually happened was that
Stalin-admiring Labour in 1945 came to power to
impose its first socialist regime on an unsuspecting and hoodwinked public.
So, I will believe that there
is a “revolt on the right” when I see it. Meanwhile, it is
pertinent to ask why anyone would want to write books suggesting that the
Right is “on the rise” when the most likely outcome of the next
general elections is another Fabian Socialist (Labour)
We don’t have to go far
to find an answer. Dr Ford is principal investigator in the left-wing
Institute for Social Change (ISC) which is closely associated with the
Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) - a Fabian operation set up by
former Fabian Society chairman Harold Wilson and fellow Fabian Lord Young
(who authored Labour’s 1945 election
manifesto) - and funded by the same left-wing, pro-immigration foundations
like the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and Unbound
Philanthropy that are bankrolling the Fabian Society and its projects.
Similarly, Prof Goodwin
received a postdoctoral research fellowship from the ESRC and has been
involved in projects run by assorted Fabian Socialist outfits such as the
Young Foundation (named after Fabian Lord Young, above), Policy Network
(set up by Fabian Tony Blair together with fellow socialists Gerhard Schroder and Bill Clinton, and chaired by Fabian Lord
– or “Prince of Darkness” – Mandelson),
Chatham House (organised by Fabians R H Tawney, John Maynard Keynes and Philip Noel-Baker)
where Goodwin is an associated fellow and … the Fabian Society
With such an exclusive Fabian
Socialist, pro-immigration and pro-EU background, it is wholly natural for
these esteemed academics to attack anyone who dare to oppose the Left and
its pro-immigration and pro-EU policies. Let’s not forget that they
refer to UKIP’s “revolt” as a
“counter-revolution” (p. 191).
The Fabian Society, to whose
circles the authors indisputably belong, is a private organisation
working to establish a socialist-technocratic world government on behalf of
its industrial and financial sponsors:
Rothschild, Rockefeller, Tata, Cadbury and
Rowntree. The latter funded the Fabian Research
Department that produced “International Government” – the
blueprint for the League of Nations.
The Fabian Society, whose
founders’ favourite intellectual occupation
(in their own words) was scheming, has always encouraged its members to infiltrate
or set up political and academic organisations to
advance its agenda. In 1900, the Society founded the Labour
Party which it has controlled ever since.
While purporting to represent
the working classes (in order to ensnare and control the socialist and labour movement for its own agenda), Labour showed its true Fabian colours
in the 1930s when it vowed that it “will not abandon, now or ever,
the vision of a new world order.”
It was Labour
PM Clement Attlee, a leading Fabian Society member, who introduced the 1948
British Nationality Act allowing all inhabitants of the British Empire
(nearly 800 million) to enter, work and settle in
the UK without restriction.
It was Labour
Home Secretary David Soskice, another Fabian, who introduced the 1965 Race
Relations Act to suppress opposition to immigration.
It was Labour
Home Secretary Roy Jenkins, former Fabian Society chairman, who in 1966
rejected integration in favour of “cultural
diversity” a.k.a. multiculturalism which he made Home Office responsibility.
It was Labour
PM Tony Blair, a long-standing Fabian Society member, who in the late 1990s
and early 2000s imposed a regime of uncontrolled mass immigration “to
make Britain more multicultural,” etc., etc.
That opposition to
immigration is of central concern to the left-wing establishment and its
spokesmen like Ford and Goodwin is obvious from their claim that
“opposition to immigration, which is prominent in UKIP’s
campaigns, plays a central role in driving support for the radical
right” and that “immigration scepticism
(i.e. wanting to reduce immigration) is among the principal factors for
predicting who will vote for a radical right-wing party.”
The authors also assert that Euroscepticism and support for parties like UKIP
“is driven by a general belief that the EU and its accompanying
institutions threaten national sovereignty and national identity.”
Again, it was Fabian Society
member Clem Attlee who, in the late 40s and early 50s, wanted a Socialist
“United States of Europe”. Together with fellow Fabians Ernest
Bevin and Herbert Morrison and European socialists (as well as with Astor
and Rockefeller funds) Attlee was instrumental in initiating the United
Europe project. His Foreign Secretary Bevin chaired the conference that
established the Organisation for European
Co-operation in obedience to the requirements of the Rockefeller-engineered
Marshall Plan, culminating in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC),
later known as “European Union”.
Stating that support for UKIP
is driven by a “general belief” that the EU is detrimental to
national sovereignty suggests, incorrectly, that there is no threat from
the EU. In reality, it doesn’t take a genius (or any academic
training) to see that the threat to national sovereignty and identity from international
organisations like the EU - and UN - is not a
“belief” but a fact.
The Fabian leadership had
already come to rubbish national sovereignty as “outmoded” in
the early 1900s. The Fabian-Labour-controlled
Socialist International – which acted as a propaganda mouthpiece for
European union in the 50s – declared that national sovereignty
“must be transcended” and we know that the EU has always
intended to abolish national sovereignty from the statements of its
architects. The chief among them, Jean Monnet,
declared that the abnegation of sovereignty was an “indispensable
first principle.” Fabian Socialist Foreign Secretary Morrison
co-issued the 1951 Washington Declaration stating that the ECSC was
“a major step towards European unity.” The first president of
the ECSC Assembly (later European Parliament), the Belgian socialist
Paul-Henri Spaak, promised to “rebuild the
Roman Empire,” the obvious implication being that member states were
to be reduced to the status of centrally-controlled imperial provinces.
As admitted by the Europa website (published by the EU), “the
establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in July 1952
was the first step towards a supranational Europe”. Gradual abolition
of national sovereignty has remained a central objective of the EU as
expressed in the phrase “ever-closer union” (EEC Treaty a.k.a.
“Treaty of Rome”, 1957).
Our whole treacherous
establishment – not just Labour – was
perfectly happy with that. As stated by “Conservative”
Churchill in the Commons, “The Conservative and Liberal Parties
declare that national sovereignty is not inviolable … we are prepared
to consider the abrogation of national sovereignty … I will go even
further and say that for the sake of world organisation
we would even run the risk and make sacrifices …”
The phrase “for the
sake of world organisation” exposes the
true Fabian agenda which is nowhere more clearly expressed than in Labour Party manifestos declaring, “For us world government
is the ultimate objective and the United Nations the chosen
instrument” – the same United Nations, that is, that was
created, funded and controlled by the Rockefellers and associates for their
own agenda, and whose migration chief Peter Sutherland (chairman of the
Rockefellers’ Trilateral Commission) has infamously requested the EU
to do its best to undermine the ethnic homogeneity of member states.
In light of this, opposition
to the establishment and its undemocratic agenda is wholly justified.
Indeed, democracy and justice can only be upheld by fighting what is
undemocratic and unjust. “Toppling the establishment who got us into
this mess” (as recently urged by UKIP leader Nigel Farage) and restoring democracy and justice is exactly
what the country needs. Yet, tellingly, Fabian publications like
“Revolt on the Right” are not overly
concerned with democracy and justice, indeed, such concepts tend not to
form part of their vocabulary. Hence, instead of indicting the undemocratic
establishment and its policies, they attack its critics, demonising them as “radical,”
“far-right,” “poorly educated,” “financially
insecure” and “old”.
On reflection, calling
dissenters “radical” and “far-right” can only mean
that the authors have dug their trenches on the side of the establishment,
as does their designating the “revolt” as
“counter-revolution”. And if Fabians side with the
establishment it can only mean that the establishment has become left-wing
or Fabian; “poorly educated” really means “not wholly
indoctrinated and brainwashed by the Left who controls the education
system”; “old” means “too experienced to be
hoodwinked” and “financially insecure” means either
“insufficiently bribed” or “with nothing to lose”
– the only candidates we can rationally expect to see through the
establishment’s game and put up resistance. And that’s why they
have been singled out for persecution and repression by the Machiavellian
According to Ipsos MORI boss Ben Page, Revolt on the Right is “an essential analysis of the
phenomenon that is UKIP in the run up to the 2015 General Election“
and “vital for anyone studying modern British politics
seriously”. He would of course say that, considering that Ipsos MORI surveys are widely cited and published by
the two authors.
What is more, Page himself
has been on the payroll of Rothschild-Rockefeller operations Shell and IBM
and is currently involved with Fabian outfits like the Institute for Public
Policy Research (IPPR) and the Social Market Foundation (SMF). IPPR was set
up by Fabian Society chairman Tessa Blackstone, is advised by former Fabian
Society general secretary Sunder Katwala and is
funded by the European Commission, the Rockefellers’ JPMorgan Chase Foundation as well as Joseph Rowntree and associated pro-immigration foundations.
SMF is funded by BP, Joseph Rowntree Foundation and the authors’ ESRC. In
addition to being a Fabian creation as stated above, ESRC is a clone of the
Rockefellers’ Social Science Research Council (set up in the 1920s by
Fabian leader Sidney Webb), to which it maintains close links, and is being
funded by the Department for Business which was set up by Gordon
Brown’s Fabian-Labour regime and is headed
by Business Secretary Vince Cable, a pro-immigration Liberal Democrat.
In light of these facts, the Ipsos MORI statement to the effect that its boss
“is absolutely committed to ensuring survey research makes a
difference for decision makers” (Ipsos MORI
website) acquires a new, and rather poignant, meaning.
In summation, Revolt on the Right stands exposed
as a one-hundred-per-cent establishment project, from Ipsos
MORI data to the authors and their employers to the finished product. It
represents another blatant attempt to cover up the take-over of the
political system and academic institutions by Fabians and their financial
backers, and to ensure another victory for their Labour
front and final defeat for democracy.
Now if Labour
supporters woke up to reality and saw their party for what it is, we might
have a proper revolt instead of an imagined one.
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