The Migration Observatory:
immigration as an instrument for world government and Socialism
25 July 2013
As documented elsewhere, the policies of
left-of-centre parties like Labour show that the British Left has a long
tradition of systematic support for immigration. In the present analysis we
look at the pro-immigration stance of an organisation claiming to be
“unbiased” and “independent” on the issue of immigration.
The Migration Observatory (MO) was set up
in 2011 by Oxford University’s Centre on Migration Policy and Society
(COMPAS) to provide an independent source of information about immigrants
The Observatory explains the word “independent” as meaning that it
does not approach any issue with a particular conclusion in mind and that
the analysis it offers does not aim to support the views of any parties or
The Observatory acknowledges that it might
be accused of bias and encourages anyone concerned about immigration to
visit their website, read their materials and decide for themselves.
The following is a resume of what we found
on visiting its website (at http://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/,
last accessed on 24 July 2013) and after examining some of the materials
offered there as well as on the websites of associated organisation such as
COMPAS, the Migration Observatory’s parent organisation of which the MO is
a part and at which the latter is based.
In our view, it is clear from publications
like Us and Them? The dangers of
immigration controls by COMPAS research fellow Bridget Anderson (2013)
that COMPAS is a pro-immigrant organisation.
Could a COMPAS project like the Migration
Observatory, whose team
appears to be mostly of foreign extraction, be any less pro-immigrant?
In our attempt to answer this question we found
that MO’s acting director, Dr Scott Blinder (former senior researcher at
COMPAS), is a political scientist specialising in political psychology – a
left-wing topic promoted by leading Fabians like Graham Wallas
and often used for mass political propaganda and manipulation. Dr Blinder
also holds a PhD in political science from pro-immigrant University of
We also found that MO’s senior researcher
Dr Carlos Vargas-Silva (who, like Dr Blinder has been a researcher at
COMPAS) has been an immigration consultant with various pro-immigrant
organisations like the World Bank, the European Commission, the United
Nations and the International Migration Institute (IMI), Oxford.
As an economist, Vargas-Silva’s concerns
revolve around the economic implications of immigration. In his own words:
“There is general agreement among economists that
migration has benefits for economic growth … The theoretical and most of
the empirical work done by economists on immigration and economic growth
largely reflects the view that immigration has positive growth
implications” (Vargas-Silva, 2012).
As shown below, this positive view of
immigration is shared by the economists of COMPAS and the Migration
Other officers of the International
Migration Institute involved in the Observatory’s work and analysis
Dr Mathias Czaika,
research officer, IMI
Dr Hein de Haas, senior research officer
and co-director, IMI. Dr de Haas is professor of migration and development
at the United Nations-Maastricht University Graduate School of Governance
(UNU-MERIT/MGSoG), Netherlands; has acted as
consultant or adviser to a string of pro-immigration organisations like the
European Union (EU), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), United
Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) and the
International Organisation for Migration (IOM); and has authored a number
of pro-immigration publications.
Immigration, Socialism and global finance
According to the COMPAS
website, the organisation aims to explore the dynamics
that drive and facilitate migration. However, we were unable to find any
materials on the role played by financial interests (such as multinational
corporations and grant-making foundations) and their political and academic
collaborators in driving and facilitating immigration, even though the
influence of financial interests on organisations determining public policy
is known to researchers (Domhoff, 1983). A PhD
dissertation with the interesting title “Message Received: How Elites
Influence Public Opinion on Immigration” (by Dr Blinder’s collaborator
Lydia Lundgren) was not available online.
The above also applies to the Migration
Observatory (see the Observatory’s report of 5 Apr.
2011). On its website, the Observatory provides a link to a Financial
Times article to which Dr Martin Ruhs,
senior economist with COMPAS and later Observatory director contributes the
opinion that immigration is a “significant subsidy to the UK public sector”
(Boxell & Fray, 2010). The Observatory
appears to ignore the article’s opening line, in which
the authors state their finding that British business leaders have long
been fans of immigration because it gives them access to a plentiful supply
of cheaper workers.
Similarly, the Observatory’s report
discussing what causes people to oppose or support immigration (Blinder,
2011) analyses data based on age, income or geographic location, without
giving due consideration to political persuasion or connections with
financial interests. The report contents itself with stating that those
with university degrees are less likely to want to see immigration reduced
(p. 2), but makes no attempt to investigate whether the domination of
universities by left-wing ideas might be a contributive
Another paper by Blinder published the
following year casually concedes that the “data collection was not embedded in a large-scale
political attitudes survey” (Blinder, 2012, p. 13),
without stating what he intends to do about it.
Instead, following in the footsteps of
Walter Lippmann – America’s leading Fabian in the first half of the 20th
century and the first American to advocate applied psychology in the
promotion of Socialism – Blinder attempts to shift the focus of the
immigration debate from immigration to the public’s perception of
immigration which (following Lippmann) he refers to as “pictures in our
head” and “imagined immigration”.
The fact is that the lack of a clear
definition of who is an immigrant doesn’t mean we must passively await the
outcome of endless philosophical deliberations while the country is being
transformed beyond recognition by forces the Left imagines to be (in the
words of Peter Sutherland) “beyond any of us and any one government”
(Sutherland, 15 Jun. 2012, p. 3). Under the present circumstances, reducing
the numbers of any immigrants must be better than allowing the situation to
go on unchallenged and unchanged.
are other important issues that ought to be addressed. For example:
Is population replacement (which
is what continuous immigration amounts to) for the sake of “economic
growth” morally and ethically acceptable?
What are the long-term benefits
of immigration to the population being replaced?
What are the implications for
British democracy when public opposition to immigration is ignored or
suppressed by governments elected to represent the public?
These and other omissions prompted us to
look into these organisations’ own connections. On closer investigation,
the Migration Observatory’s links to the International Migration Institute
proved to be particularly revealing.
The IMI is a member of the Oxford Martin
School (OMS), a massive operation with 33 research institutes and over 300
academics which was founded by James Martin – a left-wing futurologist and
long-time computer scientist with Rockefeller-controlled IBM.
OMS’ director is professor of globalisation
Ian Goldin, a South African for whom immigration
has been a life-long passion, who holds a MSc from the pro-immigrant London
School of Economics (LSE) and who believes we should all “think of ourselves as Africans” (Goldin, 2013).
Like Dr Ruhs and
other economists associated with the above Oxford institutes, Prof Goldin looks at immigration from an economic point of
view, is committed to changing public perception in favour of immigrants
and immigration, and belongs to a growing number of foreign and British
academics using Oxford University to make Britain a multicultural and
multiracial nation at all costs, in effect obliterating its culture,
civilisation and indigenous population.
Significantly, before taking the post of
OMS director, Prof Goldin served as
vice-president of the World Bank (2003-2006) as well as head of the Bank’s
collaboration with the United Nations.
Before that, Prof Goldin
was principal economist at the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), London, another pro-immigrant institution set up in
1991 by Jacques Attali, a long-time Rothschild
associate, former adviser to France’s Socialist President François
Mitterrand and himself a committed Marxist and advocate of world
From 1996 to 2001 Prof Goldin
was chief executive and managing director of the Development Bank of
Southern Africa (DBSA) during which time he served as adviser to President
Nelson Mandela and received the World Economic Forum’s ominously-named
Global Leader of Tomorrow (GLT) Award along with Victor Chu (see below).
Other recipients of the Award have included leading politicians like Tony
Blair, Nicolas Sarkozy and José Manuel Barroso;
Rothschild associates like Vincent Bolloré and Felix Rohatyn; directors of
global banking giants like JP Morgan Chase and Goldman Sachs and many other
members of the world’s new ruling class.
The GLT Award was given to persons who had
achieved a position of considerable influence and responsibility, had shown
a commitment to public affairs (code word for left-wing projects) and were
committed to WEF’s principles and objectives. Those elected for the Award
were active members of the Global Leaders of Tomorrow (later renamed Young
Global Leaders) Community for two years, after which they were expected to
serve a further three years as supporting members.
This raises some interesting implications: for example, Prime Minister Tony
Blair, who had received the GLT Award in 1993, was
a supporting member of the WEF’s Global Leaders Community at the time of
assuming office in 1997 and, in theory at least, was expected to further
the objectives of the WEF and its strategic partners (hand-picked for their
alignment with the WEF agenda) like banking and industrial giants Chevron,
Citi, Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Morgan Stanley, Saudi Aramco and, in
particular, the Rockefeller Foundation which has special status as strategic
At any rate, Blair’s connections with
Rockefeller and associated interests clearly stretch from his affiliation
with the World Economic Forum in the early 1990s to his position of
chairman of the J P Morgan International Advisory Council after leaving
office in 2007 and explain his globalist and immigrationist policies while
in office and after.
In addition to Prof Goldin,
Oxford Martin School’s advisory council includes:
Victor Chu, chairman, First Eastern
Investment Group, Hong Kong; member, foundation board, World Economic Forum
(WEF) alongside Peter Sutherland, former director-general, World Trade
Organisation, chairman and managing director, Goldman Sachs International
(for Sutherland’s pro-immigrant stance see Sutherland, 15 June 2012 and
similar publications); Klaus Schwab, founder and executive chairman, WEF,
member, advisory board, Investcorp (an Arab
League-Chase Manhattan Bank joint venture); and Christine Lagarde, managing director, International Monetary Fund
Mo Ibrahim, founder, Mo Ibrahim
Foundation, which promotes “good governance” (i.e., governance promoting
the interests of left-wing international finance and its political
collaborators) in Africa
Pascal Lamy, director general, World Trade Organisation, chair, Oxford Martin
Commission for Future Generations (whose vice-chair is Ian Goldin)
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, former managing director,
World Bank; Minister of Finance, Nigeria
Zhou Qifeng, president, Beijing University
Amartya Sen, professor of economics, Harvard
University; trustee, Economists for Peace and Security; husband of Emma
Rothschild (daughter of Labour peer Lord Victor Rothschild and director of
the United Nations Foundation, described below)
professor of economics and government, LSE, chair, (Rothschild-associated)
Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, LSE.
Joseph Stiglitz, former senior vice-president, World Bank, professor of
international affairs, (Rockefeller-associated) Columbia University; collaborator
of left-wing billionaire George Soros (who is a leading member and co-funder of Oxford Martin School); collaborator of
left-wing economist Michael Rothschild; founder of the global think-tank
Institute for Policy Dialogue (IPD), which is funded by the allied
Rockefeller, Ford and MacArthur Foundations.
The International Migration
Institute is also part of the Oxford Department of International
Development a.k.a. Queen Elisabeth House (QEH), which was established with
funds provided by Oppenheimer interests (the South African diamond and gold
magnates) who reportedly also funded the Socialist African National
Congress (ANC) party whose leader Nelson Mandela, a member of the South African Communist Party
(Freeman & Flanagan, 2012), was a friend and collaborator of David
Rockefeller from whom he received the David Rockefeller Bridging Leadership Award.
themselves are closely connected with the WEF, Jonathan Oppenheimer of De Beers, Development Bank of Southern
Africa and former senior vice-president of Anglo American (De Beers’
twin company), having joined the WEF’s Global Leaders of Tomorrow in 2002.
COMPAS and the Migration Observatory’s
association with Oxford organisations like the International Migration
Institute and Oxford Martin School already reveal close links to leading
figures among left-wing, pro-immigrant financial interests, international
organisations and academic institutions promoting world government and
Financial interests and
- Rockefeller, Rothschild, Goldman Sachs,
- Rockefeller, Ford, MacArthur and Open
involved in global governance: United Nations, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, World
Economic Forum, World Trade Organisation, European Bank for Reconstruction
Academic institutions and
associated research institutes promoting the agenda of the above interests:
School of Economics, Oxford University, Harvard University, Columbia
University, Beijing University
- Oxford Martin School,
International Migration Institute, COMPAS, Migration Observatory
The close connections between
financial and political interests on one hand, and organisations carrying
out research and determining public policy on immigration, on the other
hand, are well-known to social scientists and researchers. They have been
acknowledged, among others, by Dr de Haas himself (Berriane
& de Haas, pp. 9-10) albeit only in relation to organisations seeking
to restrict immigration, while ignoring such connections in the case of
pro-immigration research centres such as those under discussion.
To redress this omission, it is
necessary to note that on account of the interests they hold around the
world, leading international businessmen, bankers and industrialists have
long subscribed to an internationalist outlook. David Rockefeller in his
memoirs dedicates an entire chapter to his internationalism (and that of
his family) and support for internationalist projects (Rockefeller, pp.
404-19). Inevitably, this internationalist outlook influences and motivates
the multinational corporations, grant-making foundations and associated
organisations set up or financed by these interests (Domhoff,
The above interests’
internationalism has resulted in their making common cause with
internationalist political systems like Socialism. For example, the
Rockefellers and associated think-tanks like the Council on Foreign
Relations (CFR) – which largely controls the US State Department – were
instrumental in the creation of the United Nations Organisation which, from
inception, was run by Socialists (Ratiu, pp. 188-90; Griffin, pp. 110, 114,
The UN has remained under the
domination of the Rockefellers and their close associates like former UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who is a member of the Rockefeller-controlled
J P Morgan International Advisory Council as well as a member of the board
of the United Nations Foundation (UNF) through which the said interests
fund and control the UN.
The UNF itself is a Rockefeller
foundation. It was founded by Robert Edward (“Ted”) Turner, former
vice-chairman and major shareholder of the Rockefeller-controlled media
giant Time Warner, whose president at the time of UNF’s founding (1998) was
long-time Rockefeller associate Richard Parson. The UNF is run by Turner as
chairman and Kathy Calvin, former president of AOL Time Warner Foundation,
as president and CEO, and works closely with the Rockefeller Foundation.
The UN’s pro-immigrant stance is
evident among other things from statements by the head of the UN Forum on
Migration and Development, Peter Sutherland (Sutherland, 15 Jun. 2012;
Sutherland, 20 Jun. 2012; Wheeler, 2012) and needs no further
Another case in point is
left-wing academic institutions – like Chicago, Columbia and Harvard
Universities in the US and the London School of Economics in the UK – which
have long maintained close links both to financial interests like the
Rockefellers and to Socialist organisations like the Fabian Society and
have accordingly promoted an internationalist and pro-immigrant outlook, in
addition to their large percentage of foreign students whom they have
attracted and on whom they now depend for income.
The LSE (full name London School
of Economics and Political Science) was founded by the Fabian Society with
money bequeathed to it for the express purpose of “furthering its
propaganda, objects and Socialism” (Cole, p. 43), has enjoyed the support
of financial interests like the Rothschilds and the Rockefellers, and is
notorious for the large community of foreign students it harbours.
Being chaired by Peter
Sutherland himself, it is not in the least surprising to find that the LSE
is a leading advocate of immigration. The fact that it is backed by Mr
Sutherland who has also chaired British Petroleum (BP), the Rockefellers’
Trilateral Commission (Europe) of which he is currently honorary chairman
and Goldman Sachs International, as well as by Liberal Democrat Business
Secretary Vincent Cable (who believes that foreign students are “good for the
country”) once again demonstrates the convergence of interests – and
policies – on the part of Left-dominated academic institutions and business
interests (for the close links between these interests see Ratiu, 2012.)
Having examined the wider background on
which it came into being and on which it operates, we can now return to the
Migration Observatory itself. Its own links to international sponsors of
Socialism, world government and immigration are confirmed by its declared
Philanthropy, Barrow Cadbury Trust and the Economic and Social Research
a New York-based, private grant-making foundation that is overtly
pro-immigrant and funds left-wing, pro-immigrant organisation like
Fabian-controlled Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) and British
Its executive director, Taryn
Higashi, has worked in various pro-immigrant roles such as deputy director
of Ford Foundation’s (a Rockefeller-controlled operation) human rights unit
and member of the advisory board, International Migration Initiative, a
project of George Soros’ Open Society Foundations.
Unbound Philanthropy’s programme director
for the UK is Will Somerville who holds a master’s degree in social policy
and planning from the pro-immigrant London School of Economics and has been
a consultant with left-wing and pro-immigrant organisations like the Barrow
Cadbury Trust and Open Society Foundations.
Somerville has also served as policy
adviser on immigration issues in the Prime Minister’s Strategy Unit under
the Blair-Brown regime as well as head of policy on asylum and immigration
at the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE), an organisation created
through the 1976 Race Relations Act by Labour Home Secretary Roy Jenkins,
former Fabian Society chairman and member of the Rockefellers’ Trilateral
Trust (BCT) is
a pro-immigrant charitable foundation controlled
by chocolate manufacturer Cadbury. It operates in partnership with the
Fabian Society and funds the latter’s projects.
For example, BCT trustee Ruth
Cadbury has been a member of the Fabian Society’s Commission on Life
In 2007, the Fabian Society and
the Barrow Cadbury Trust took part in secret discussions on “progressive
migration policy” with various Labour politicians including Immigration
Minister Liam Byrne (Shell, 2011, p. 2), a Fabian Society member and
co-founder of the Blairite think-tank Progress.
BCT has also provided grants to
COMPASS (not to be confused with COMPAS, above), a Brownite
pressure group set up in 2003 and headed by the Fabian Neal Lawson.
BCT’s CEO Sara Llewellin serves as vice-chairman of the Association of
Charitable Foundations (ACF), whose nominations committees include Anna Southhall of BCT and Simon Buxton of the
Fabian-controlled Noel Buxton Trust (NBT), a foundation named after Fabian
Lord Noel-Buxton. Llewellin is also a member of
the Governing Council of the European Foundations Centre.
Social Research Council (ESRC). The ESRC – which also funds COMPAS – is a typical Fabian
operation. It was founded in 1965 under the government of former Fabian
Society chairman Harold Wilson [FS member from the 1930s to 1984] and its
first chief executive was leading Fabian Michael (later Lord) Young [FS
member from the 1930s to 1981], who was responsible for the creation of
over 60 like-minded organisations.
The ESRC was originally known as Social
Science Research Council (SSRC) and was clearly a clone of the US
organisation of the same name. The latter was founded in 1923 by Charles E.
Merriam, who was associated with the American Fabian League and the London
Fabian Society, in collaboration with the American Economic Association,
itself founded by Fabian Society founders Thomas Davidson and Sidney Webb
(Martin, pp. 123-4, 281).
Both the SSRC and the ESRC have been used to
channel funds to like-minded institutions and organisations. But while the
American SSRC has been bankrolled by the Rockefellers and associated
interests (Berman, pp. 105, 107), its British counterpart has been funded
by the Department for Business, which was created by Tony Blair’s
Fabian-Labour administration in 2007 and is conveniently run by
pro-immigrant Lib Dem Business Secretary Vincent Cable himself, a former
member of the Labour and Social Democratic Parties. This has led to the
absurd and scandalous situation where a department of a Conservative
government ostensibly opposed to Socialism and immigration funds a
Socialist and pro-immigration institution. Unfortunately, it is a situation
that has become typical of Fabian-dominated British society.
The American SSRC and its UK counterpart
have always maintained close links to each other and to other Fabian
operations like the LSE. Moreover, like the LSE, in addition to close
Fabian connections, the ESRC interlocks with international financial interests.
For example, the ESRC governing council is
chaired by Dr Alan Gillespie, former executive director of
Rockefeller-CFR-controlled Citigroup/Citibank and current partner and
managing director of Goldman Sachs.
This means that while the ESRC is being
provided with funds by the British Government (and the taxpayer), the way
the funds are used is decided by private financial interests with a
left-wing agenda in collaboration with left-wing political organisations
like the Fabian Society.
Indeed, we find that another notable member
of the ESRC council is David Walker, long-time journalist with an array of
left-wing papers like The Times,
the Independent and the Guardian. Tellingly, Mr Walker has been
a member of the Fabian Society’s Commission on Future Spending Choices and
has served as chairman of the Migration Observatory’s media advisory board.
He is married to Polly Toynbee, a leading Guardian columnist and herself a leading member of the Fabian
Society, having served as its deputy treasurer.
The Migration Observatory has been accused
of “trying to use the status of Oxford University to
peddle Left-wing views” and of receiving funds from
organisations seeking to influence or change public attitudes towards
immigrants (Letts, 2011; Slack, Seamark & English, 2013), which raises
legitimate questions about its alleged “independence” and “lack of bias” –
though the same may be said to apply to entire Oxford University
departments like the Department of International Development and their
various projects like the International Migration Institute and the Oxford
Martin School (see above).
Perhaps more importantly, others have noted
that there are “vast amounts of money” behind
organisations promoting a pro-immigration message and have pointed at “big business” and “large city firms” as those
responsible (West, 2013).
Such concerns have been largely confirmed
by our own findings which show that the Migration Observatory’s network of
directors, supporters and collaborators follows an established pattern
characterised by a toxic mix of financial interests and Socialist politics.
In conclusion, the Migration Observatory
cannot be deemed independent and unbiased in the sense of existing
independently of, and being unconnected with, vested interests, be they
political or financial. On the contrary, it is dependent on its financial
supporters and exists and operates as part of an international web of
financial, philanthropic, academic and political organisations seeking to
impose Socialism, world government and population change (or replacement
through immigration) on an unsuspecting British public.
(This article was last
updated on 6 August 2013)
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